Ex-president George W Bush turns pizza delivery man to treat Secret Service amid US shutdown

The Republican posted a picture of himself on social media bringing a stack of pizzas to his security detail, who have not received a paycheck since the partial government shutdown began last month.

Donald Trump has shown no sign of bringing the crisis to an end as he continues to clash with his Democrat opponents over funding for his proposed southern border wall, despite 800,000 federal employees having been off work since 22 December.

Those who have continued to work have not received their salary for doing so during what has become the longest shutdown in US history.

Mr Bush said in his Facebook and Instagram posts that he and wife Laura “are grateful to our Secret Service personnel and the thousands of federal employees who are working hard for our country without a paycheck”.

He added: “And we thank our fellow citizens who are supporting them. It’s time for leaders on both sides to put politics aside, come together, and end this shutdown.”

The partial shutdown has sparked protests across the US, with it affecting a range of tourist attractions and government services from national parks to domestic violence shelters.

Even White House guests have been caught up in the disruption, with the president opting to serve up fast food hamburgers to players from College Football Playoff National Championship winners the Clemson Tigers due to a lack of chefs.

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Bush legacy repackaged for Trump era

Americans have not just been mourning the passing of a president, but also the vanishing of a bygone politics.

For George Herbert Walker Bush was the last president of America’s greatest generation: a war hero who bemoaned the end of the patriotic bipartisanship that was such a feature of the early post-war years; a moderate who was genuine when he vowed in 1988 to make his country kinder and gentler; a pragmatist who viewed with suspicion the rise of ideological purists in the Republican Party who fetishised tax cuts and demonised government.

For many his death marks the end of an era, but the truth is that age of American politics drew to a close a quarter of a century ago.

Its death knell began to toll at the beginning of the 1990s with the generational shift away from politicians, such as GHW Bush, who had served in World War Two and been tested in combat, to Baby Boomers, such as Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich. Their formative years were spent waging the cultural battles of the 1960s and their politics was more aggressively partisan.

Like Harry S Truman, another great foreign policy president who was underappreciated at the time, Bush offers a prime example of how presidential reputations evolve over the passing years, how legacies are reassessed and how traits characterised contemporaneously as weaknesses can be judged by future generations as virtues.

Posterity is certainly being more generous than the headline writers of the time, who derided him as a wimp and something of a presidential placeholder sandwiched awkwardly between the more significant figures of Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton.

Yet Bush, in his less showy way, was also an era-defining politician, short-lived though it turned out to be: those fleeting years of unrivalled American global dominance.

Lest we lapse into hagiography, a modern-day tendency in a world increasingly bereft of political giants, it is worth highlighting at the outset Bush’s many failings.

Fighting for the presidency in 1988, he took the low road to the White House by questioning the patriotism of his Greek-American Democratic opponent Mike Dukakis, and by crudely stoking racial fears. The Bush campaign didn’t make the notorious Willie Horton ad – it was put out by a pro-Bush political action committee – but it ran on cable television for 25 days before the candidate condemned it.

Lee Atwater, Bush’s abrasive campaign chief, licked his South Carolinian lips at the prospect of portraying Dukakis as a liberal elitist soft on crime. “If I can make Willie Horton a household name, we’ll win the election,” he said, evidently with the blessing of his candidate.

The gracious letter Bush wrote to Bill Clinton on inauguration day in January 1993, in which he noted “Your success now is our country’s success”, also needs to be contextualised.

Bush did not think Clinton possessed the personal rectitude to be president, and in his diary that day recorded his reaction to a soldier who gave him a thumbs-up during the inaugural celebrations.

“I must say I thought to myself, ‘How in God’s name did this country elect a draft dodger? I didn’t feel it with bitterness. I just felt it almost generational. What I am missing?'”

Ahead of the 1992 election, the former navy pilot, who had been shot down by the Japanese over the Pacific, had been dismissive of his younger rival, who had not served in Vietnam and never donned military fatigues. “The American people are never going to elect a person of Bill Clinton’s character,” he sneered.

Fighting for a Senate seat in Texas in 1964, the younger Bush had opposed the landmark Civil Rights Act that demolished segregation in the South and derided Martin Luther King as “a militant”.

Yet even as far back as the mid-Sixties, when the Republican Party’s centre of gravity started to shift from Wall Street to the states of the Old Confederacy and south-western Sun Belt, Bush expressed concerns about the growing radicalisation of the conservative movement.

“When the word moderation becomes a dirty word we have some soul searching to do,” he observed after his defeat in 1964. “I want conservatism to be sensitive and dynamic, not scared and reactionary.”

By 1988, when he won the presidential nomination of his party by seeing off more right-wing rivals, the words “sensitive and dynamic” had morphed into “kinder and gentler.”

Donald Trump recently mocked Bush’s famed thousand points of light speech, asking his rally-goers “what the hell was that?” But for Bush those words defined a brand of compassionate conservatism that was partly a corrective to the “greed is good” excesses of the Reagan years, partly an articulation of the noblesse oblige imbued in him as a child of the American aristocracy, and maybe also an expression of parental bereavement. The Bushes’ beloved daughter Robin died of leukaemia aged three.

Paradoxically, no one better personified the geographic reorientation of the Republican Party than Bush, the scion of a Connecticut banking family and son of a patrician Senator who became a Texan oilman and Lone Star politician.

More on the life of George HW Bush

Yet there was always the sense he was faking it – that he enjoyed darting around in his cigar boat in the waters off his family’s compound in Kennebunkport, Maine, more than hurling horseshoes; that he felt more comfortable in preppy loafers than eel skin boots; that he was the offspring of Senator Prescott Bush rather than a genuine son of the South.

Back in the 1960s, Bush’s campaign manager in Texas called him “the worst candidate I’d ever had”, partly because he made the mistake of wearing striped ties in a state populated by ranch hands and oil workers.

Despite becoming the Republican Party’s presidential nominee and serving for a time during the late Nixon years as the chairman of the Republican National Committee, Bush often felt out of place in the modern-day conservative movement.

However much he professed his love for pork rinds, testified to becoming a Born Again Christian, or paid homage to the new demagogues of the right by inviting Rush Limbaugh to spend the night in the Lincoln Bedroom at the White House, he struggled to present himself as a true believer.

Often he looked and sounded like a Rockefeller Republican trying, unconvincingly, to be Reagan’s political heir. Moderation was his lodestar, a word that spoke of betrayal to firebrand ideologues like Newt Gingrich.

An irony here is that Bush inadvertently helped propel the rise of Gingrich, by appointing the then congressman Dick Cheney as his defence secretary. It created an opening in the House Republican leadership filled by the ambitious young Georgian.

Thereafter, Gingrich became a thorn in the president’s flesh. When in 1990 Bush broke his famed “read my lips, no new taxes” pledge, and cut a budget deal with the Democratic-controlled Congress, Gingrich spearheaded the Republican revolt.

“There is a clump of these extreme extremists that I detest,” Bush wrote in the diaries he shared with his biographer Jon Meacham, “but I can’t let the bastards get us down”.

Personally, the budget deal made for poor politics, which arguably cost Bush his presidency. But it slashed deficits, put the country’s finances on a sounder footing and helped usher in the prosperity of the 1990s. That, along with the passage of the ground-breaking Americans with Disabilities Act, was his central legislative achievement.

First and foremost, this former ambassador and one-time CIA chief was a foreign policy president, and much has been written about how he skilfully brought the Cold War to a peaceful end and helped orchestrate the reunification of Germany.

Bush was criticised by the media for not rejoicing in America’s victory, for missing the historical moment, for not rushing to Berlin. But he knew that crowing would strengthen the hand of hardliners in Russia who were looking for an opportunity to oust Mikhail Gorbachev.

Read more from Nick

Besides, his mother had always cautioned against boastfulness. A lesser figure could easily have botched the end of the Cold War, but Bush’s strategic smarts were a key reason why America entered the new millennium as the sole superpower in a unipolar world.

Bush’s diplomatic management of the first Gulf War was also masterly. After Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, he patiently assembled a broad international coalition of 35 countries, sought and won the authorisation of the UN Security Council, and got Congress to pass a war authorisation vote after the 1990 congressional mid-term elections rather than before to prevent the conflict from being politicised.

Operation Desert Storm brought about such a quick and emphatic victory that it slew many of the phantoms that had haunted American foreign policy since Vietnam. Bush, however, refused to attend a victory party in New York, telling advisers the troops deserved the ticker-tape adulation rather than their commander-in-chief.

He also resisted calls to fully invade Iraq and overthrow Saddam Hussein. Unlike his son, he understood the perils of regime change (although mistakes were made when Bush encouraged the Kurds and Shia-dominated south to revolt against Saddam Hussein but failed to offer sufficient American backing thereafter).

After the Gulf War, Bush enjoyed the highest presidential approval ratings ever recorded by Gallup – a stratospheric 89% – but as the US economy tanked and he struggled to articulate a post-Cold War vision for his country, his popularity also plummeted.

It pained him that he did not get more recognition at home for his successes abroad. “My opponents say I spend too much time on foreign policy, as if it didn’t matter that schoolchildren once hid under their desks in drills to prepare for nuclear war,” he wrote in his diary. “I saw the chance to rid our children’s dreams of the nuclear nightmare, and I did.”

In the 1992 presidential election, Bill Clinton, helped by America’s first billionaire populist Ross Perot, successfully cast him as an out-of-touch patrician, and he won only 37% of the vote. No incumbent in more than 100 years had received a lower share of the popular vote.

Because he was a one-term president, and thus deemed a failure, his political achievements are often overlooked. But he was the last occupant of the White House to win 40 states, and the last presidential candidate to gain a 53% share of the vote.

Clinton, a two-termer who benefited enormously from the peace and prosperity his predecessor helped deliver, never cracked 50%. Writing in The Atlantic, the political commentator Peter Beinart made the astute observation: “Bush was the last person to occupy the Oval Office whose opponents saw him as a fully legitimate president.”

Not only was he the last president of the pre-polarised age, but also the last president of the pre-internet age, which is surely symbiotic. The terminology of red states and blue states was not then in common usage.

Online political echo chambers, which have done so much to exacerbate America’s divisions, had not yet been invented. The media landscape was also very different, not least because Fox News, which dragged the conservative movement further towards the right, had not yet broadcast a single show.

Bush was never a “win the news cycle” sort of politician, nor one for the “boxers or briefs” showbusiness requirements of the modern-day presidency. Given his patrician reserve and habit of mangling sentences, he was not well equipped to deal with the celebritisation of politics ushered in by Reagan, nor tactile enough for the Oprahfication signalled by Bill Clinton.

Politics for him was not some reality show, but reality itself. Small wonder that when Donald Trump suggested to Lee Atwater that he become the vice-presidential running mate, Bush laughingly dismissed the proposal as “strange and unbelievable.”

After steering his country to victory in the Gulf War, Bush suffered from something nearing depression, a black dog mood that made him consider quitting politics altogether. In his moment of maximum triumph and popularity, he temporarily lost his way.

But the apogee of his presidency is worth pondering anew.

As his finest biographer Jon Meacham reflected: “For the moment Bush was the president of a united country and, to a remarkable extent, he was the leading statesman of a united world.”

In a splintered nation and in a fractious world, it is hard to imagine those words ever again being written of a contemporary American president.

Follow Nick at @NickBryantNY

Source: Read Full Article

Bush legacy repackaged for Trump era

Americans have not just been mourning the passing of a president, but also the vanishing of a bygone politics.

For George Herbert Walker Bush was the last president of America’s greatest generation: a war hero who bemoaned the end of the patriotic bipartisanship that was such a feature of the early post-war years; a moderate who was genuine when he vowed in 1988 to make his country kinder and gentler; a pragmatist who viewed with suspicion the rise of ideological purists in the Republican Party who fetishised tax cuts and demonised government.

For many his death marks the end of an era, but the truth is that age of American politics drew to a close a quarter of a century ago.

Its death knell began to toll at the beginning of the 1990s with the generational shift away from politicians, such as GHW Bush, who had served in World War Two and been tested in combat, to Baby Boomers, such as Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich. Their formative years were spent waging the cultural battles of the 1960s and their politics was more aggressively partisan.

Like Harry S Truman, another great foreign policy president who was underappreciated at the time, Bush offers a prime example of how presidential reputations evolve over the passing years, how legacies are reassessed and how traits characterised contemporaneously as weaknesses can be judged by future generations as virtues.

Posterity is certainly being more generous than the headline writers of the time, who derided him as a wimp and something of a presidential placeholder sandwiched awkwardly between the more significant figures of Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton.

Yet Bush, in his less showy way, was also an era-defining politician, short-lived though it turned out to be: those fleeting years of unrivalled American global dominance.

Lest we lapse into hagiography, a modern-day tendency in a world increasingly bereft of political giants, it is worth highlighting at the outset Bush’s many failings.

Fighting for the presidency in 1988, he took the low road to the White House by questioning the patriotism of his Greek-American Democratic opponent Mike Dukakis, and by crudely stoking racial fears. The Bush campaign didn’t make the notorious Willie Horton ad – it was put out by a pro-Bush political action committee – but it ran on cable television for 25 days before the candidate condemned it.

Lee Atwater, Bush’s abrasive campaign chief, licked his South Carolinian lips at the prospect of portraying Dukakis as a liberal elitist soft on crime. “If I can make Willie Horton a household name, we’ll win the election,” he said, evidently with the blessing of his candidate.

The gracious letter Bush wrote to Bill Clinton on inauguration day in January 1993, in which he noted “Your success now is our country’s success”, also needs to be contextualised.

Bush did not think Clinton possessed the personal rectitude to be president, and in his diary that day recorded his reaction to a soldier who gave him a thumbs-up during the inaugural celebrations.

“I must say I thought to myself, ‘How in God’s name did this country elect a draft dodger? I didn’t feel it with bitterness. I just felt it almost generational. What I am missing?'”

Ahead of the 1992 election, the former navy pilot, who had been shot down by the Japanese over the Pacific, had been dismissive of his younger rival, who had not served in Vietnam and never donned military fatigues. “The American people are never going to elect a person of Bill Clinton’s character,” he sneered.

Fighting for a Senate seat in Texas in 1964, the younger Bush had opposed the landmark Civil Rights Act that demolished segregation in the South and derided Martin Luther King as “a militant”.

Yet even as far back as the mid-Sixties, when the Republican Party’s centre of gravity started to shift from Wall Street to the states of the Old Confederacy and south-western Sun Belt, Bush expressed concerns about the growing radicalisation of the conservative movement.

“When the word moderation becomes a dirty word we have some soul searching to do,” he observed after his defeat in 1964. “I want conservatism to be sensitive and dynamic, not scared and reactionary.”

By 1988, when he won the presidential nomination of his party by seeing off more right-wing rivals, the words “sensitive and dynamic” had morphed into “kinder and gentler.”

Donald Trump recently mocked Bush’s famed thousand points of light speech, asking his rally-goers “what the hell was that?” But for Bush those words defined a brand of compassionate conservatism that was partly a corrective to the “greed is good” excesses of the Reagan years, partly an articulation of the noblesse oblige imbued in him as a child of the American aristocracy, and maybe also an expression of parental bereavement. The Bushes’ beloved daughter Robin died of leukaemia aged three.

Paradoxically, no one better personified the geographic reorientation of the Republican Party than Bush, the scion of a Connecticut banking family and son of a patrician Senator who became a Texan oilman and Lone Star politician.

More on the life of George HW Bush

Yet there was always the sense he was faking it – that he enjoyed darting around in his cigar boat in the waters off his family’s compound in Kennebunkport, Maine, more than hurling horseshoes; that he felt more comfortable in preppy loafers than eel skin boots; that he was the offspring of Senator Prescott Bush rather than a genuine son of the South.

Back in the 1960s, Bush’s campaign manager in Texas called him “the worst candidate I’d ever had”, partly because he made the mistake of wearing striped ties in a state populated by ranch hands and oil workers.

Despite becoming the Republican Party’s presidential nominee and serving for a time during the late Nixon years as the chairman of the Republican National Committee, Bush often felt out of place in the modern-day conservative movement.

However much he professed his love for pork rinds, testified to becoming a Born Again Christian, or paid homage to the new demagogues of the right by inviting Rush Limbaugh to spend the night in the Lincoln Bedroom at the White House, he struggled to present himself as a true believer.

Often he looked and sounded like a Rockefeller Republican trying, unconvincingly, to be Reagan’s political heir. Moderation was his lodestar, a word that spoke of betrayal to firebrand ideologues like Newt Gingrich.

An irony here is that Bush inadvertently helped propel the rise of Gingrich, by appointing the then congressman Dick Cheney as his defence secretary. It created an opening in the House Republican leadership filled by the ambitious young Georgian.

Thereafter, Gingrich became a thorn in the president’s flesh. When in 1990 Bush broke his famed “read my lips, no new taxes” pledge, and cut a budget deal with the Democratic-controlled Congress, Gingrich spearheaded the Republican revolt.

“There is a clump of these extreme extremists that I detest,” Bush wrote in the diaries he shared with his biographer Jon Meacham, “but I can’t let the bastards get us down”.

Personally, the budget deal made for poor politics, which arguably cost Bush his presidency. But it slashed deficits, put the country’s finances on a sounder footing and helped usher in the prosperity of the 1990s. That, along with the passage of the ground-breaking Americans with Disabilities Act, was his central legislative achievement.

First and foremost, this former ambassador and one-time CIA chief was a foreign policy president, and much has been written about how he skilfully brought the Cold War to a peaceful end and helped orchestrate the reunification of Germany.

Bush was criticised by the media for not rejoicing in America’s victory, for missing the historical moment, for not rushing to Berlin. But he knew that crowing would strengthen the hand of hardliners in Russia who were looking for an opportunity to oust Mikhail Gorbachev.

Read more from Nick

Besides, his mother had always cautioned against boastfulness. A lesser figure could easily have botched the end of the Cold War, but Bush’s strategic smarts were a key reason why America entered the new millennium as the sole superpower in a unipolar world.

Bush’s diplomatic management of the first Gulf War was also masterly. After Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, he patiently assembled a broad international coalition of 35 countries, sought and won the authorisation of the UN Security Council, and got Congress to pass a war authorisation vote after the 1990 congressional mid-term elections rather than before to prevent the conflict from being politicised.

Operation Desert Storm brought about such a quick and emphatic victory that it slew many of the phantoms that had haunted American foreign policy since Vietnam. Bush, however, refused to attend a victory party in New York, telling advisers the troops deserved the ticker-tape adulation rather than their commander-in-chief.

He also resisted calls to fully invade Iraq and overthrow Saddam Hussein. Unlike his son, he understood the perils of regime change (although mistakes were made when Bush encouraged the Kurds and Shia-dominated south to revolt against Saddam Hussein but failed to offer sufficient American backing thereafter).

After the Gulf War, Bush enjoyed the highest presidential approval ratings ever recorded by Gallup – a stratospheric 89% – but as the US economy tanked and he struggled to articulate a post-Cold War vision for his country, his popularity also plummeted.

It pained him that he did not get more recognition at home for his successes abroad. “My opponents say I spend too much time on foreign policy, as if it didn’t matter that schoolchildren once hid under their desks in drills to prepare for nuclear war,” he wrote in his diary. “I saw the chance to rid our children’s dreams of the nuclear nightmare, and I did.”

In the 1992 presidential election, Bill Clinton, helped by America’s first billionaire populist Ross Perot, successfully cast him as an out-of-touch patrician, and he won only 37% of the vote. No incumbent in more than 100 years had received a lower share of the popular vote.

Because he was a one-term president, and thus deemed a failure, his political achievements are often overlooked. But he was the last occupant of the White House to win 40 states, and the last presidential candidate to gain a 53% share of the vote.

Clinton, a two-termer who benefited enormously from the peace and prosperity his predecessor helped deliver, never cracked 50%. Writing in The Atlantic, the political commentator Peter Beinart made the astute observation: “Bush was the last person to occupy the Oval Office whose opponents saw him as a fully legitimate president.”

Not only was he the last president of the pre-polarised age, but also the last president of the pre-internet age, which is surely symbiotic. The terminology of red states and blue states was not then in common usage.

Online political echo chambers, which have done so much to exacerbate America’s divisions, had not yet been invented. The media landscape was also very different, not least because Fox News, which dragged the conservative movement further towards the right, had not yet broadcast a single show.

Bush was never a “win the news cycle” sort of politician, nor one for the “boxers or briefs” showbusiness requirements of the modern-day presidency. Given his patrician reserve and habit of mangling sentences, he was not well equipped to deal with the celebritisation of politics ushered in by Reagan, nor tactile enough for the Oprahfication signalled by Bill Clinton.

Politics for him was not some reality show, but reality itself. Small wonder that when Donald Trump suggested to Lee Atwater that he become the vice-presidential running mate, Bush laughingly dismissed the proposal as “strange and unbelievable.”

After steering his country to victory in the Gulf War, Bush suffered from something nearing depression, a black dog mood that made him consider quitting politics altogether. In his moment of maximum triumph and popularity, he temporarily lost his way.

But the apogee of his presidency is worth pondering anew.

As his finest biographer Jon Meacham reflected: “For the moment Bush was the president of a united country and, to a remarkable extent, he was the leading statesman of a united world.”

In a splintered nation and in a fractious world, it is hard to imagine those words ever again being written of a contemporary American president.

Follow Nick at @NickBryantNY

Source: Read Full Article

Bush Funeral, Emissions, Facebook: Your Wednesday Evening Briefing

(Want to get this briefing by email? Here’s the sign-up.)

Good evening. Here’s the latest.

1. Five living presidents, plus family, friends and dignitaries from around the world, gathered in Washington National Cathedral, above, for a memorial service to honor George Bush, the 41st president.

In a eulogy for his father, former President George W. Bush remembered him as an imperfect, but beloved man who bestowed wisdom. “To us, his was the brightest of 1,000 points of light,” Mr. Bush said, invoking a phrase the elder Mr. Bush used.

A generation of Cold War-era leaders has now receded. Only Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet Union’s last leader, is alive — and he was too ill to attend the funeral. With those leaders, our White House correspondent writes, the world order they helped build is also fading.

In addition to winding down the Cold War, the elder Mr. Bush is credited by historians with helping in the reunification of Germany and Europe and the peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union, and laying the groundwork for the World Trade Organization.

But critics argue that he didn’t do enough to address the AIDS epidemic raging during his time in office.

_____

2. Facebook gave special access to users’ data to favored companies like Airbnb, Lyft and Netflix, emails and other internal Facebook documents show.

The documents, released by a British parliamentary committee investigating the company, shine a light on Facebook’s internal workings from roughly 2012 to 2015, as it determined how to manage the mountains of data it was accumulating on users. Above, Facebook headquarters in Menlo Park, Calif.

In a statement, Facebook said the documents were part of a “baseless” lawsuit and “only part of the story.”

In Opinion: A historian of Silicon Valley argues that the end of privacy began in the 1960s, when Congress made choices that allowed tech giants to become as powerful as they are.

_____

3. Emissions are rising faster.

Worldwide carbon emissions are expected to rise by 2.7 percent this year, according to studies in three scientific journals. Emissions rose by 1.6 percent last year.

The spike was driven primarily by stronger demand for natural gas and oil, which surprised the researchers. “We thought oil use had peaked in the U.S. and Europe 15 years ago,” one said. Above, fracking near Epping, N.D.

The world’s largest polluters are still China, India and the U.S., which together produce almost half of the world’s carbon emissions. And U.S. emissions are expected to rise this year after several decades of declines.

_____

4. Republican lawmakers in Wisconsin pushed through bills that strip power from the state’s incoming governor, a Democrat.

The legislation, which was the subject of protests and vehement opposition by Democrats, passed early this morning after hours of closed-door meetings. Now it awaits the outgoing governor’s signature. Above, tallying the final votes at the capitol in Madison, Wis.

The bills limit early voting and give lawmakers — not the governor — the majority of appointments on an economic development board. They also shift more authority to lawmakers that would ordinarily be held by the state attorney general, another position about to be filled by a Democrat.

_____

5. Michael Flynn, President Trump’s former national security adviser, helped substantially with the special counsel’s investigation into Russian election interference and should receive little to no prison time, prosecutors said on Tuesday.

Mr. Flynn was the first person from Mr. Trump’s inner circle to strike a deal with Robert Mueller, the special counsel. He pleaded guilty a year ago to lying to the F.B.I. about conversations he had with the Russian ambassador to the U.S.

_____

6. Les Moonves, the former chief executive of CBS, destroyed evidence and misled investigators in an attempt to save his severance deal, according to a draft of a report prepared for the company’s board.

The report, by lawyers hired by the network, said CBS would be justified in denying $120 million in severance to Mr. Moonves, who was forced to step down in September.

Among the revelations: Multiple people told the outside lawyers that CBS had an employee “who was ‘on call’ to perform oral sex” on Mr. Moonves. Above, CBS headquarters in Manhattan.

The report, our business columnist writes, shows that senior executives and even board members were aware of Mr. Moonves’s alleged misconduct — and did nothing to stop him. The repercussions for that failure in corporate governance are likely to reverberate at CBS for years.

_____

7. Eritrea is one of the world’s most closely controlled nations, where citizens aren’t allowed to leave and foreign journalists are rarely allowed in.

But now, after the end of a 20-year war with its neighbor Ethiopia, the country is slowly opening up. Above, family members reuniting.

Our reporter, whose father was born in the reclusive nation, shares the signs she found of new beginnings in photographs, video and words.

_____

8. “You just go until you reach your own finish line.”

Ridiculously long races are growing in popularity, and female runners appear able to hold their own with men. At longer distances, experts say, the biological advantages that men have grow smaller.

Courtney Dauwalter, above, a 33-year-old with a reputation for outrunning men and shattering course records, will try to break the women’s world record for the most miles run in 24 hours this weekend, at a competition in Phoenix. She will have to run more than 161.55 miles to do so.

She already holds the American women’s record: 159.32 miles.

_____

9. Coming soon: “Clueless, The Musical.”

Amy Heckerling, the writer and director behind the hit 1994 comedy, always thought the film should be a musical. “Two people falling in love,” she said, “well, they got to sing.”

For years, an adaptation of the movie, which was based in part on Jane Austen’s “Emma,” was considered too expensive. But Ms. Heckerling never stopped trying, and now it’s in previews Off Broadway, opening next week.

As a female director, Ms. Heckerling, above, was a woman who was somehow able to join a fraternity and thrive in it. She directed touchstone ’80s comedies like “Fast Times at Ridgemont High” and “Look Who’s Talking.” Our writer takes a look at her career and examines the ways she — like her masterpiece’s main character, Cher — has grown.

_____

10. Finally, what’s the best movie you’ve seen this year?

Our two chief film critics share their picks, with links to reviews. One singles out “Roma,” above, a Mexican remembrance of things past; the other has a four-way tie for first place.

Separately, our chief classical music critic shares his favorite performances, accompanied by a Spotify playlist of best surprises.

Have an outstanding evening.

Your Evening Briefing is posted at 6 p.m. Eastern.

And don’t miss Your Morning Briefing. Sign up here to get it by email in the Australian, Asian, European or American morning.

Want to catch up on past briefings? You can browse them here.

What did you like? What do you want to see here? Let us know at [email protected].

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Donald Trump, Melania Trump pay respects to George H.W. Bush at U.S. Capitol

President Donald Trump and first lady Melania Trump paid their respects to former president George H.W. Bush at the U.S. Capitol on Monday night.

Trump and Melania arrived at the Capitol, where the body of the 41st president of the United States is lying in state, around 8:30 p.m. ET.

The Trumps stood in front of the casket for several moments, their heads bowed. The president then saluted, while the first lady placed a hand over her heart, before the pair left.

Trump skipped an earlier service at the Capitol, where Bush was eulogized by Vice-President Mike Pence and House Speaker Paul Ryan, among others.

Trump is expected to attend Bush’s state funeral Wednesday at Washington National Cathedral.

Follow @Kalvapalle

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George HW Bush: The making of a president

Few men have arrived at the White House with a longer CV than George HW Bush. Besides his wartime exploits, he ran an oil company and the CIA and had been US ambassador to the United Nations as well as serving as US vice-president for eight years.

It was in 1948 when George Herbert Walker Bush, newly graduated from Yale and the scion of an eastern establishment family, rode into Odessa, Texas, in a red Studebaker car to start a new career as an oilman.

Initially, he worked as a salesman for Dresser Industries, a company which manufactured oil drilling equipment and which was owned by a friend of Bush’s father.

The years following World War II were a boom time for both the US economy and the Texas oil industry and, despite slumming it for a time in a shotgun shack, Bush and his family soon found their feet, developing a taste for Texan food and country and western music.

Within three years, he had founded his own firm, the Bush-Overbey Oil Development Company, the first of a number of highly successful drilling ventures.

The transition from wealthy Connecticut boy to wealthy Texan had been accomplished. Now Bush looked to secure himself a political career.

In 1964 he ran, unsuccessfully, for a US Senate seat in Texas, which was then solidly Democratic. At the time, Bush was a radical Republican who supported the right-wing firebrand and presidential candidate Barry Goldwater, denounced civil rights and backed military action in Cuba.

Two years later, running on decidedly more moderate policies, he was elected to the US House of Representatives as member for Texas’s 7th District.

That election saw Bush steer away from ideology and, as he would do in every campaign from then on, talk mainly about his personal qualities and not, as he later called it, “the vision thing”. At the time, he told one reporter: “Labels are for cans.”

Bush’s progress in Congress was rapid and he soon found himself on the influential Ways and Means Committee, which oversees taxes.

Although he was again defeated for one of the Texas seats in the Senate in 1970, his closeness to then-President Richard Nixon soon secured him high office.

In 1971, Bush became US ambassador to the United Nations, where he was involved in Nixon’s policy to build bridges to China and also extricate the US from Vietnam.

And 1973 saw Bush take over from Senator Bob Dole as chairman of the Republican National Committee. It was the time of Watergate and, as Richard Nixon’s hold on the White House grew weaker, George Bush’s position as a leading member of his party became ever stronger.

As the Watergate crisis reached its climax, Bush wrote to Nixon, telling him bluntly: “It is my considered judgement that you should now resign.”

The following day, 8 August 1974, Nixon did just that. George HW Bush had proved a decisive player in the greatest downfall in US political history.

Nixon’s successor, Gerald Ford, rewarded Bush with two plum jobs. In 1974, when the US and China had no official diplomatic ties, he was appointed chief of the US Liaison Office in Beijing, where he co-ordinated a renewing of relations between the US and China.

Two years later he became director of the Central Intelligence Agency. At the time, the CIA was being battered by revelations of illegal covert operations, assassination attempts on foreign leaders such as Fidel Castro, and the secret testing of LSD on unsuspecting subjects.

Many in the agency were concerned that Bush, a career politician with one eye still on the White House, might use his position for partisan ends.

However, in his short time in the role he gave the CIA a renewed focus, and emphasised the growing strength of the Soviet military. It would be a theme which would dominate his time as vice-president and president.

Ousted from the job at the CIA by a Democrat, Jimmy Carter, Bush was now able to devote himself to running for the highest office.

Within three years he was on the campaign trail, denouncing Mr Carter for cosying-up to the Soviets.

However, it was not the pragmatic liberal George Bush – the man, according to the press, with “the biggest resume in America” – who won the day in 1980, but the relatively inexperienced conservative ideologue, Ronald Reagan.

During the Republican primaries, the two men viewed one another with suspicion.

Reagan, who privately questioned Bush’s ability to “stand up to the pressure of being president”, initially asked former President Ford to be his running mate and chose Bush only after Ford declined the offer.

For his part, Bush denounced Reagan’s policy of tax cuts combined with increased military expenditure as “voodoo economics”. And he was uncomfortable with Reagan’s social policies, especially his anti-abortion beliefs.

In the end, though, Bush signed up “wholeheartedly”, as he diplomatically put it, to the Reagan ticket, spending eight frustrating years a heartbeat away from the presidency.

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